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-[[!meta title="Maciunas Learning Machines"]]
-
-[Maciunas’s Learning Machine](http://georgemaciunas.com/exhibitions/knowledge-as-art-chance-computability-and-improving-education-thomas-bayes-alan-turing-george-maciunas/george-maciunas/maciunas-learning-machine/).
-
-## Snippets
-
- The declared aim was “to learn as if mechanically and without having to think
- too much.” 38
-
- [...]
-
- The idea of the interactive user was born. George Maciunas is one of them.
-
- [...]
-
- This interest in graphic forms of communi- cation can in turn be traced back to
- Maciunas’ profound aversion to books. Instead of spending hours of his time
- reading, he preferred to learn by taking in as much informa- tion as possible
- at a glance. This explains his fascination with diagrams, charts, maps, tables,
- systems of coordinates, and graphs. The charting of history, moreover, was but
- one facet of the visual information which was to preoccupy him throughout his
- life, not just as an architect, but as a knowledge worker.
-
- [...]
-
- Thus the Atlas of Russian History ranks among those forms of knowledge-driven
- visualization systems that can be grouped together under the term “operative
- pictoriality.” 51
-
- One key feature of “operative pictoriality” is the interaction on a map of the
- visual and the discursive. The latter takes the form of keywords used to
- chronicle historical events—trans- formative processes of which each map can
- provide no more than a snapshot showing them at a certain point in time, or at
- a particular stage in their unfolding. The Atlas of Russian His- tory is
- remarkable for another quality as well, namely in the way it uses recurring
- terminol- ogy. As a kind of hyperlink, this terminology facilitates navigation
- through the Atlas, which after all works on the principle of anticipation.
-
- [...]
-
- The cartography ends more or less abruptly in the late nineteenth century. The
- heroic phase of Soviet history that was to follow in the early twentieth
- century was too complex to be contained, let alone mapped, in the traditional
- atlas format. To a certain extent, therefore, Maciunas can be said to have
- reached the limits of what the charting and mapping of his- tory could achieve.
- The limit he had reached was systemic, of the kind Gregory Bateson examined in
- his book Mind and Nature (1979): “All description, explanation, or representa-
- tion is necessarily in some sense a mapping of derivatives from the phenomena
- to be de- scribed onto some surface or matrix or system of coordinates. In the
- case of an actual map, the receiving matrix is commonly a flat sheet of paper
- of finite extent, and difficulties occur when that which is to be mapped is too
- big or, for example, spherical. . . . Every receiving matrix,” Bateson
- concluded, “will have its formal characteristics which will in principle be
- distortive of the phenomena to be mapped onto it.” 59
-
- [...]
-
- The distortion of phenomena in the Atlas of Russian History consisted in its
- gross simplifica- tion of complex geohistorical processes as factographic
- fallout. To be able to capture that “hot” phase in a chronology which, owing to
- the large number of fast-moving events that have to be taken into account, has
- the character of “differential elements”—to borrow Claude Lévi-Strauss’
- definition for the study of anthropology—Maciunas had no choice but to change
- his mode of presentation. He therefore switched from two-dimensional mapping of
- history to the historiogram, which could be expanded in three dimensions
- without any major structural changes and thus lent itself more readily to the
- ever greater factual density Maciunas now grappled with.
-
- [...]
-
- Usually, geographical maps are static representations. The snapshots of history
- they pro- vide have no room for the dynamic dimension of historical processes.
- The arrows Maciunas used in the Atlas of Russian History are an attempt to
- restore a sense of dynamism. The vectors are necessary to the mental animation
- of systems, and signify large-scale move- ments such as migrations or
- invasions. Yet they can only ever mark out the general direc- tion, never the
- exact route taken. It is the arrows, moreover, which lend the charts the dia-
- grammatic character that appeals so strongly to non-cartographers such as
- Maciunas. The rudimentary nature of the cartographic information provided on
- the various sheets also belongs in this category. Because Maciunas dispenses
- with a frame, a grid, and a specifica- tion of scale, the representational
- space of his history charts tends to resemble pictures rather than maps. 61
-
- [...]
-
- The history of the empire was to inform maps of the empire. The political
- function of the atlas of history was thus very similar to that of history
- painting. Its purpose was not so much to deliver comfort and relief—which was
- what history paintings had to do—as to nurture historical awareness. Such
- awareness as the basis for social development, however, was to be found only at
- the top of the learning curve that was preceded and facilitated by the
- positivistic acquisition of facts. To para- phrase Jürgen Habermas, social
- evolution is driven by changes in the knowledge poten- tial. 69 The historical
- sources show a milieu which believed in the reformation—meaning the
- improvement—of the world by education. Maciunas’ maps are of a piece with this
- en- lightenment ideology. As an imaginative matrix, they do not deliver an
- abstract model of history, but rather generate their own history—one whose
- narrative strategies elude any direct empirical verification. This metahistory
- is ideologically motivated. As the factual density increases, so the process of
- historical change picks up speed, culminating in the Russian Revolution.
- Maciunas’ mapping project was focused on that one event, an event which
- exemplifies most vividly the feasibility of history, which in turn allows for
- the idea that society can indeed be modeled.