diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | books/psicologia/psychology-of-intelligence.md | 6 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | books/sociedade/age-of-the-smart-machine.md | 322 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | research/radio.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | research/readers.md | 4 |
4 files changed, 332 insertions, 2 deletions
diff --git a/books/psicologia/psychology-of-intelligence.md b/books/psicologia/psychology-of-intelligence.md index 6831b08..be516af 100644 --- a/books/psicologia/psychology-of-intelligence.md +++ b/books/psicologia/psychology-of-intelligence.md @@ -44,6 +44,12 @@ is a state of constant looping in a given theme. * Habit: beyond short and rapidly automatised connections between per- ceptions and responses (habit) (127). +* How the whole body is seem according to his theory? There's a movement (sic) + where intelligence raises from the sensori-motor to the mind, but can we + consider the other way as well, about what's conceived by abstract thought + be then used as a source of sensori-motor intelligence? I guess so, but wonder + how that could be articulated in Piaget's theory. + ## Intelligence and equilibrium Then, if intelligence is thus conceived as the form of equilibrium towards diff --git a/books/sociedade/age-of-the-smart-machine.md b/books/sociedade/age-of-the-smart-machine.md index 8e25ce0..953d22d 100644 --- a/books/sociedade/age-of-the-smart-machine.md +++ b/books/sociedade/age-of-the-smart-machine.md @@ -13,6 +13,13 @@ As a result, they relied on skilled fitters to assemble each product.", 39. * Continous Process as a possible way to break the effort-skill body paradox and the U-curve of social integration, 50-56 +* Transition from oral communication to written communication (pages 77, 100); + it's followed by a transition where calculations were transferred from mental + operations to calculating machines. +* Characteristics of action-centered skills, 106. +* Typewriters, 115. +* Feminization of clerical work, 116-117. +* Secretaries: _dedicated_ (acting as buffers, sorters and organizers) versus _pool_ modes (treated as input-output devices), 122-123. ## Impressions @@ -494,3 +501,318 @@ intellectual work, it still does not free workers from fatigue. It just put it in a different framework: mental exhaustion and [burn-out](/books/sociedade/burnout-society). Only dead, abstracted "work" won't lead tiredness. But then it won't be work anymore. + +### Evolution of white-collar work + + The evolution of white-collar work has followed a historical path + that is in many ways the precise opposite of that taken by blue-collar + work. Manufacturing has its roots in the work of skilled craft. In most + cases, that work was successively gutted of the elements that made it + skillful-leaving behind jobs that were simplified and routinized. An + examination of work at the various levels of the management hierarchy + reveals a different process. Elements of managerial work most easily + subjected to rationalization were "carved out" of the manager's activit- + ies. The foundational example of this process is the rationalization of + executive work, which was accomplished by ejecting those elements + that could be explicated and systematized, preserving intact the skills + that comprise executive craft. It was the carving out of such elements + that created the array of functions we now associate with middle man- + agement. A similar process accounts for the origins of clerical work. In + each case, the most easily rationalized features of the activities at one + level were carved out, pushed downward, and used to create wholly + new lower-level jobs. In this process, higher-level positions were not + eliminated; on the contrary, they came to be seen more than ever as + the depository of the organization's skills. + + [...] + + White-collar employees used their bodies, too, but + in the service of actino-with, for interpersonal communication and coor- + dination. It was not until the intensive introduction of office machinery, + and with it scientific management, that this distinct orientation was + challenged. During this period, an effort was made to invent a new kind + of clerical work-work that more closely resembled the laboring body + continually actino-on the inanimate objects, paper and equipment, that + were coming to define modern office work. Automation in the factory + had diverse effects, frequently limiting human effort and physical + suffering, though sometimes exacerbating it. But the discontinuity in + the nature of clerical work introduced with office machinery, together + with the application of Tayloristic forms of work organization, did + much to increase the physical suffering of the clerk. While it remained + possible to keep a white collar clean, the clerk's position was severed + from its earlier responsibilities of social coordination and was con- + verted instead to an emphasis on regularity of physical effort and mental + concentration. + + -- 98 + + Many successful merchants and entre- + preneurs were well known for the speed of their mental calculations, + and Eaton's how-to book provides a chapter on tricks and shortcuts to + aid in rapid mental arithmetic. 6 Owner-managers frequently sur- + rounded themselves with sons, nephews, and cousins-a move that fa- + cilitated oral communication through shared meaning and context and + eased the pressure for written documentation. 7 + + [...] + + Detailed empirical studies of modern executives' work, several of + which have been published over the last thirty years, are greeted with + the curiosity and fascination usually reserved for anthropological ac- + counts of obscure primitive societies. It is as if these researchers had + brought back accounts from an organizational region that is concealed + from observation and protected from rational analysis. Perhaps this + sense of mystery surrounds top management activities because they + derive from a set of skills that are embedded in individual action, in + much the same way as those of the craftsperson. In both cases, skilled + performance is characterized by sentient participation, contextuality, + action-dependence, and personalism. + + What is different is that the craftsperson used action-centered skills + in the service of actino-on materials and equipment, while the top man- + ager's action-centered skills are applied in the service of actino-with. + Like the seventeenth-century courtier, the top manager uses his or her + bodily presence as an instrument of interpersonal power, influence, + learning, and communication. The know-how that is developed in the + course of managerial experience in actino-with remains largely implicit: + managers themselves have difficulty describing what they do. Only the + cleverest research can translate such embedded practice into expli- + cated material suitable for analysis and discussion. + + [...] + + "The process is the sensing of the organization as a whole and the total + situation relevant to it. It transcends the capacity of merely intellectual + methods, and the techniques of discriminating the factors of the situa- + tion. The terms pertinent to it are 'feeling,' 'judgment,' 'sense,' 'pro- + portion,' 'balance,' 'appropriateness.' It is a matter of art rather than + science, and is aesthetic rather than logical. For this reason it is recog- + nized rather than described and is known by its effects rather than by + analysis. ,,8 + + -- 100-101 + + Kotter stresses the implicit quality of the general managers' knowledge, + noting that their agendas tended to be informal, nonquantitative, mental road + maps highly related to "people" issues, rather than systematic, formal planning + documents. + + -- 102 + + Daniel Isenberg's research on "how senior managers think" has pen- + etrated another layer of this, usually inarticulate, domain of executive + management. 12 Isenberg found that top managers think in ways that are + highly "intuitive" and integrated with action. 13 He concluded that the + intuitive nature of executive behavior results from the inseparability of + their thinking from their actions: "Since managers often 'know' what + is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first + and think later. Thinking is inextricably tied to action. . . . Managers + develop thought about their companies and organizations not by ana- + lyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by thinking and + acting in close concert.,,14 One manager described his own immersion + in the action cycle: "It's as if your arms, your feet, and your body just + move instinctively. You have a preoccupation with working capital, a + preoccupation with capital expenditure, a preoccupation with people + . . . and all this goes so fast that you don't even know whether it's + completely rational, or it's part rational, part intuitive. 15 + + [...] + + Kanter con- + cluded that the manager's ability to "win acceptance" and to communi- + cate was often more important than any substantive knowledge of the + business. The feelings of comfort, efficiency, and trust that come with + such shared meaning are triggered in a variety of ways by the manager's + comportment. The nuances of nonverbal behavior and the signals em- + bedded in physical appearance are an important aspect of such group + participation. Because the tasks at the highest levels of the corporation + are the most ambiguous, senior executives come to rely most heavily + on the communicative ease that results from this shared intuitive world. + + -- 103 + + Top managers' days and nights are filled to the breaking point with a myriad of + activities, contacts, events, discussions, and meetings, which tend to be + brief, rapid, and fragmented. Many students of managerial activity have + proposed ways + + -- 105 + + "Today the manager is the real data bank. . . . Unfortunately he is a + walking and a talking data bank, but not a writing one. When he is busy, + information ceases to flow. When he departs, so does the data bank.,,28 Lodged + in the body and dependent upon presence and active display, the implicit heart + of the executive's special genius appears to evade rationalization. + + -- 106-107 + +That's brilliant: + + In the case of executive activity, those elements most accessible + to explication, and therefore rationalization, were carved out of the + executive's immediate domain of concern. These more analytical or + routine activities were projected into the functions of middle manage- + ment, just as those functions were also absorbing new responsibilities + for planning and coordination that had resulted from systematic analy- + sis of the production process. Thus, the activities that made the execu- + tive most special, based on action-centered skill, were left intact, while + the more explicit and even routine aspects of executive responsibilities + were pushed downward and materialized in a variety of middle- + management functions. This contrasts with the case of craft workers, + in which the action-centered skills that had made them so special were + resealched, systematized, and expropriated upward. To put it bluntly, + workers lost what was best in their jobs, the body as skill in the service + of actin8-on, while executives lost what was worst in their jobs, retaining + full enjoyment of the skilled body as an instrument of actin8-with. + + -- 107-108 + +In other words, automation and the robotization of the body that follows flows +downward in that particular kink of enterprise -- capitalist business and other +hierachical type of organizations with information-based management. From +_action with_ to _acting on_ (page 119). + +Intelligence is extracted from the worked, deskilled, automated and robotized. +From oral to written communication, from her memory to a memory bank of some +sort. From her artisan skills of interpersonal relationships to standardized +procedures. In a movement downward the hierarchy. + +How that phenomemon predates or is contemporanean to cybernetic-inspired +corporate management? + +Also, today we see a discourse on replacing even top management with A/I +working according to "smartcontracts", which might be an assymptotic +ideological consequence of automating things downward, but that might be proved +wrong if we consider that there's no way these organizations could work without +any craftsmanship at it's top. + +Sounds like if there's no way to fully automated a capitalist bussiness or +government body, even replacing it's management but at the same time there's +an urge to do just that. The net effect is an overconcentration of power +to an ever-diminishing managerial elite. + +If more value is given to non-automated work, then this overconcentration +is directly related to wealth concentration. + +I guess this whole mainstream discourse on automation is entirelly flawed. +It separates mind and body, hates the body, want it automated, a slave of the mind +enslaved in a dellusion to free itself even more as the mind is considered a slave +of the brain, it's material support. + +The next step after the creation of middle-management was it's removal from +the organization by downsizing/delayering/outsourcing which happened after +this book was published. + + In 1925, the same year that Mary Parker Follett made her speech + exhorting managers to become more scientific, William Henry + Leffingwell published his well-known text, Office Mana8ement: Principles + and Practice, which he dedicated to the Taylor Society in appreciation + of its "inspirational and educational influence." Leffingwell presented + a copy of his book to Carl Barth, one of Taylor's best-known disciples. + That copy bore the following inscription: "It is with deep appreciation + of the honor of knowing one of management's greatest minds that I sit + at your feet and sign my name." Leffingwell was obsessed with the + notion of bringing rational discipline to the office in much the same + way that Taylor and his men were attempting to transform the shop + floor. Though his was not the only treatise on the subject, it quickly + became one of the most influential. 56 In an earlier work, published in + 1 91 7, Leffingwell had discussed "mechanical applications of the princi- + ples of scientific management to the office." His new text was written + to address the need for "original thought" concerning the fundamental + principles of his discipline and their relationship to office management. + Leffingwell summed up the message of his book with one sentence: + "In a word, the aim of this new conception of office management is + simplification. " + + [...] + + The overwhelming purpose of Leffingwell's approach to simplifica- + tion was to fill the clerical workday with activities that were linked + to a concrete task and to eliminate time spent on coordination and + communication. This concern runs through almost every chapter of his + 850-page text; it is revealed most prominently in his minutely detailed + discussions of the physical arrangement of the office and in his views + on the organization, flow, planning, measurement, and control of office + work. + + Leffingwell advocated what he called "the straight-line flow of + work" as the chief method by which to eliminate any requirement for + communication or coordination. The ideal condition, he said, was that + desks should be so arranged that work could be passed from one to the + other "without the necessity of the clerk even rising from his seat. . . + + [...] + + . . . Routine. . . tends to reduce communication. ,,58 Layout, + standardization of methods, a well-organized messenger service, desk + correspondence distributors, reliance on written instructions, delivery + bags, pneumatic tubes, elevators, automatic conveyors, belt conveyors, + cables, telautographs, telephones, phonographs, buzzers, bells, and + horns-these were just some of the means Leffingwell advocated in + order to insulate the clerk from extensive communicative demands. + + -- 117-119 + +Mind how such changes of reducing interpersonal communication, despite +raising production efficiency, also reduces worker self-organizing capacity +and class awareness. + + The requirements of actino-on associated with these new clerical jobs + demanded more from the body as a source of effort than from skilled + action or intellective competence. It is only at this stage, and in the + context of this discontinuity, that the fate of the clerical job can be + fruitfully compared to that of skilled work in industry. + + [...] + + Frequently, the jobs that were created had the + effect of driving office workers into the role of laboring bodies, en- + gulfing them in the private sentience of physical effort. Complaints + about these jobs became complaints about bodies in pain. In 1 960 the + International Labour Organization published a lengthy study of mecha- + nization and automation in the office. + + [...] + + Clerks complained of being "treated like trained animals" because of the + "uniformity and excessive simplification of the work of many machine + operators." + + -- 119-120 + +Another form of [labor camp](/books/historia/ibm-holocaust), it's mirror image: + + "Tabulat- ing machine operators, for instance, even when the controls are set + for them and an automatic device stops the machine when something goes wrong, + cannot let their attention flag. . . . The strain of this kind of close + attentiveness to a repetitive operation has resulted in a rIsIng number of + cases of mental and nervous disorders among clerical work- ers . . . physical + and intellectual debility; disturbances of an emotional nature such as + irritability, nervousness, hypersensitivity; insomnia; vari- ous functional + disturbances-headaches, digestive and heart troubles; state of depression, etc. + ,,61 + + -- 120-121 + + The Office, featured an article in 1 969 by the director + of a New Jersey industrial engineering firm who said: "We know from + our company's studies that manpower utilization in most offices-even + those that are subject to work measurement controls-rarely exceeds + 60%. In some operations the percentage of utilization may fall below + 40%. At least 17% of the time, employees are literally doing nothing + except walking around or talking. . . . While many companies have + squeezed out much of the excess labor costs in their production opera- + tions, only a few have given serious attention to the so called indirect + labor or service operations. ,,62 + + [...] + + "Clerical jobs are mea- sured just like factory jobs. + + Clerical costs can be controlled on + any routine, Le., repetitive or semi-repetitive work. Non-repetitive + tasks, such as research and development, cannot be economically mea- + sured. Similarly, jobs such as receptionists, confidential secretaries, + etc., do not lend themselves to control. ,,65 + + -- 121-122 diff --git a/research/radio.md b/research/radio.md index d76f34e..bd4d985 100644 --- a/research/radio.md +++ b/research/radio.md @@ -4,3 +4,5 @@ * [Transmitting FM, AM, SSB, SSTV and FSQ with just a Raspberry Pi](http://www.rtl-sdr.com/transmitting-fm-am-ssb-sstv-and-fsq-with-just-a-raspberry-pi/). * [Raspberry PiRate Radio FM Transmitter](http://www.rtl-sdr.com/raspberry-pirate-radio-fm-transmitter/). * [Transmitting Data with a Raspberry Pi and RTL-SDR](http://www.rtl-sdr.com/transmitting-data-raspberry-pi-rtl-sdr/). +* [RTL-SDR Tutorial: Analyzing GSM with Airprobe/GR-GSM and Wireshark](https://www.rtl-sdr.com/rtl-sdr-tutorial-analyzing-gsm-with-airprobe-and-wireshark/). +* [Open Security Research: Getting Started with GNU Radio and RTL-SDR (on Backtrack)](http://blog.opensecurityresearch.com/2012/06/getting-started-with-gnu-radio-and-rtl.html). diff --git a/research/readers.md b/research/readers.md index 15375a2..fd2f725 100644 --- a/research/readers.md +++ b/research/readers.md @@ -35,8 +35,8 @@ Kobo A partir de uma cópia completa do acervo: storage="/path/to/complete/doc/repos" - sudo rsync --size-only -avL --no-p --no-g --no-owner --delete-after --ignore-errors \ - --include='*/' --include='*.pdf' --include='*.epub' --include='*.mobi' --exclude='*' \ + sudo rsync --size-only -avL --no-p --no-g --no-owner --delete-after --ignore-errors \ + --include='*/' --include='*.pdf' --include='*.epub' --include='*.mobi' --include='*djvu' --exclude='*' \ $storage/books/ /media/tablet/books/ Notar que usamos: |